Amy Goodman Interviews Naomi Klein - 1999 WTO Protests in Seattle to 2009 Global Movement for Climate Justice in Copenhagen
Naomi Klein, award-winning journalist, syndicated columnist and
author of the bestseller,“The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of
Disaster Capitalism.” It’s also the 10th anniversary of the
publication of her first book “No Logo: Taking Aim at the
Click here full the video and original article at Democracy NOW!
AMY GOODMAN: We turn to the best-selling author of the “Shock Doctrine.” Yes, independent
journalist Naomi Klein joining us from Toronto, Canada to talk about the latest shocks to
the economy and with the climate summit in Copenhagen just two weeks away, the coming together
of a global movement for climate justice. She is just out with the 10th anniversary edition of
her first book, the international bestseller “No Logo.” And her latest articles include “Climate
Rage,” for Rolling Stone Magazine, and “Copenhagen, Seattle Grows Up,” for The Nation. Naomi
Klein, Welcome to “Democracy Now!” Let’s begin with the issue of climate change and as you put
it, climate rage. Tell us what is happening.
NAOMI KLEIN: That piece in Rolling Stone is looking at a growing demand for the repayment of
climate debt. This is really a relatively new framing for the climate crisis and is becoming
predominantly from the developing world, led by the government of Bolivia and other Latin
American governments, and it has been joined by the coalition of least developed countries which
are primarily in Africa. And essentially what they’re saying is that the climate crisis as we
know was created in the industrialized world. There is a direct correlation between
industrialization (what we call development) and carbon emissions. In fact, 75% of the historical
carbon emissions have been produced by only 20% of the world’s population. Then we have this cruel
geographical irony, which is that the effects of climate change our felt overwhelmingly in the
developing world, and the parts of the world that are least responsible for creating the crisis.
According to the World Bank, 75-80 of the effects of climate change are being felt in the
developing world. So, you have this inverse relationship between cause and effect.
It is in this context that we see a growing movement from the developing countries that really
are on the front lines of climate change, saying that the rich world that created the climate
crisis owes them a debt, owes them a tangible reparations for the creation of this crisis. And
those reparations should be paid in three forms. First through deep emissions cuts in the
developed world, in the rich world. At least 40% below 1990 levels- this is a figure we have heard
a lot. In addition to this, they are saying the rich world, the G-8 countries, the industrialized
countries, should pay for the costs, the huge costs, that poor countries face in adapting to
climate change. In addition to that, they’re also saying that they would like to leapfrog over
the dirty energies, the fossil fuels that are fueling the climate crisis. But they point out
that this is expensive and more expensive to shift to cleaner green technology than it is to
develop with cheap, dirty fuels, which is the way we did in the rich world. So, they are saying
we will change, but we don’t think we should have to pay this additional cost because of our
problem that is not of our creation. Essentially the climate debt arguments is the “polluter pays”
argument, which is a familiar argument to people in the United States, its a basic principle of
jurisprudence. Another way of putting this is “you broke it, you bought it”.
AMY GOODMAN: Talk specifically about the countries that are raising these concerns and saying we
shouldn’t have to pay. For example in Africa.
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, the African Union, the coalition of African states, have been very clear that
their primary demand out of Copenhagen are these deep emissions cuts and serious funding for
adaptation to climate change. In eastern Africa right now, you have massive, you have serious
droughts affecting millions of people. That is just one example of the kind of costs that are
being incurred because of climate change already. So, we’re not talking about projecting into
the future, some hypothetical future, we are talking about right now.
The main push, as I said, is actually coming from Bolivia. And Bolivia has an extraordinary
climate negotiator, who I quote in the Rolling Stone piece, named Angelica Navarro, who I first
met in Geneva. She was actually Bolivia’s ambassador to the World Trade Organization. She’s very
clear, very tough, multilingual. It takes a lot of strength to stand up to the sort of pressure
that a small country like Bolivia faces, whether at the World Trade Organization or now in the
climate negotiations. And Angelica Navarro is really up to the task and she has been giving these
really inspiring speeches, at summits in the lead up to Copenhagen. And has really been an
galvanizing force for other developing countries.
But also, you know she is taking a demand that is coming from groups like the third World
Network, Focus on the Global South, Jubilee South, coalitions of NGOs and climate justice groups,
that have been making these demands on the outside of summits. But, what is interesting now is
that these demands have entered inside the summit, they are at the negotiating table. And of
course there is extraordinary resistance from the United States, and the European Union, Canada,
Australia, to the idea that they shouldn’t just be giving money to the developing world to adapt
to climate change, to deal with climate change, out of the goodness of our hearts, out of a
sense of charity, but actually out of a legal obligation. This is a frightening concept as you
AMY GOODMAN: Last week, the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon rejected widespread predictions
that the summit in Copenhagen would be a failure.
BAN KI-MOON: Reading the latest news reports, however, you might think Copenhagen is destined to
be a disappointment. That is wrong. To the contrary, we can, and I believe we can and we will
reach a deal in Copenhagen that sets the stage for a binding treaty as soon as possible.
AMY GOODMAN: Your response to what Ban Ki-Moon is saying?
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, the problem is the definition of success in Copenhagen has been lowered and
lowered. A few months ago the definition of success in Copenhagen was countries agreeing to lower
emissions, to levels that climate scientists were demanding. And the science is very clear that
we really do need cuts of 40% below 1990 levels. The other definition of success was rich
countries coming to the table with levels of funding for the developing world that once again
meet the actual need. And we know what those types of figures are. The World Bank for instance
has estimated the cost faced by developing countries to simply adapt to a changing climate
dealing with droughts, dealing with increased flooding, is $100 billion a year. The cost of
leapfrogging over those dirty energies, as I was saying earlier, that’s $500 billion-$600
billion a year. That’s a figure from independent UN researchers. But now what we hearing from
the UN is there hope for Copenhagen is that they can get developed countries, rich countries,
to agree to $10 billion a year.
So Amy, they will turn around and say that is a success, but it is simply not a success. So, the
definition of success is just been pushed lower and lower. And this is really a troubling issue,
and it an issue that a lot of environmentalists, climate justice activists are going to have to
confront. Because, with an issue like climate change, urgency matters, maintaining a sense of
urgency in the face of this crisis really matters. So, there is a danger, a very real danger of
creating an illusion of doing something about the problem in Copenhagen. You know, having Obama
go make another terrific speech which he is very good at, claiming it is a breakthrough that the
U.S. is talking about emission cuts of between, now they are saying 14-20 below 2005 levels,
which is just absurd, it has nothing to do with the science. And then this $10 billion a year
figure, which once again there such a huge gap between that figure, and the lowest possible
figure that we’re hearing from the World Bank which is $100 billion.
So, we have to be very careful about what is called success, because if you turn around and say
“It is a success to have U.S. commit to 14% cut from 2005 levels,” and a throwing a couple
billion dollars a year out of the goodness of their hearts while still recognizing historical
responsibility, then you lose some of this crucial urgency, in confronting this crisis. So, I
think is very important for the climate justice movement not to allow politicians to pass off
the failure as success.
AMY GOODMAN: Before we go to break and talk about this 10 years later, talk specifically about
what is planned for Copenhagen in the streets.
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, the latest column I wrote for “The Nation,” is about this line that you can
draw from Seattle to Copenhagen. I call the column “Seattle Grows Up,” because I think we’re
also seeing an evolution of a movement that can to world attention on the streets of Seattle.
I think there has been a profound deepening of the coalition between groups that are primarily
focused on poverty, on development, on debt, and environmental groups that have traditionally
been focused on environmental issues. We saw that in Seattle, the beginnings of that coalition,
with the famous “Teamsters and Turtles” coalition. Now we are seeing something much deeper.
It is this idea of climate debt that is bringing together groups, like I was saying, Jubilee
South, like Action Aid, groups that have been mostly focused on anti-poverty and development
and are now are seeing climate change as the single greatest barrier to human development around
the world, but also seen the call for climate reparation as an opportunity for, to quote
Angelica Navarro, Bolivia’s ambassador to the climate negotiations, who I was talking about
earlier, when she talks about the need for the developing world- developed world to pay our
climate debt, she says if this happened and we would have a Marshall Plan for planet earth,
which is a very exciting prospect because it means you have the opportunity to tackle
simultaneously two of humanities most intransigent challenges, most intransigent problems,
climate debt on the one hand, and inequality on the other. So, the bringing together of these
two forces. That is what’s going to be really, really exciting in Copenhagen. And a lot of the
people, a lot of networks that grew out of Seattle are going to be activated in Copenhagen and
have only grown stronger in recent years..
AMY GOODMAN: Before we talk more specifically about Seattle, what about the specific actions
planned for the streets of Copenhagen at the Climate Summit?
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, you know, it’s going to be a maze, Copenhagen. It’s the largest environmental
gathering in history, larger, even, than the Rio Earth Summit in 1992. So there’s going to be a
lot happening all around the city.
But, here is where I think it’s really different from Seattle: in Seattle, the World Trade
Organization was really the enemy for the activists in the street, and the goal was to shut
down the meeting, both from the outside and inside. And you had this interesting coalition of
activists in the street with that message, that “No WTO” message. And then you had coalitions
of developing countries inside, emboldened by these protests in the street, emboldened to stand
up to the pressure from the European Union and the United States. And ultimately it was that
sort of “pincer” that collapsed the meeting.
In Copenhagen, it’s a different dynamic, because the fact is that the people in the streets
overwhelmingly support the mission of the meeting in Copenhagen. And, so, they’re not saying
“no” to the idea of a climate summit. In fact, they’re saying “yes,” and they’re revealing,
highlighting that, in fact, it is the world leaders, particularly world leaders from the
heavy-emitting countries, like the United States and Canada, who are the naysayers, who are the
ones who are saying, “No, we don’t actually want to tackle the climate crisis, we don’t want
to make the emissions cuts that are needed, that are required by science.”
So, in a sense, it’s an inversion where it’s the activists who are saying, “Yes, we believe in
this mission.” And it’s the politicians, really, who we need to reveal as being the ones who
are actually saying, ‘no,’ even as they claim to be saying ‘yes,’ and even as they claim—even
as they sell failure as ‘success’.”
So, it’s really tricky for activists in terms of figuring out how you interact with a summit
like this. So, there’s one day, for instance, the 18th—December 18th, where activists are going
to be kind of storming the conference center, nonviolently, but using civil disobedience. But
their goal, they say, is not to shut down the meeting, but to open up the meeting and to have
a forum inside the meeting to talk about real climate solutions, like leaving fossil fuels in
the ground—dirty fossil fuels, particularly things like the Alberta tar sands—talking about
solutions like climate debt that we’ve been discussing, and exposing the fallacies of the
claims that the market can solve the climate crisis.
Because, of course, that’s what we’re going to be hearing a lot of in Copenhagen, market-based
solutions: cap and trade, emission trading, carbon sinks, basically creating a huge market in
pollution. And you have many of the same players that crashed the global economy, like Goldman
Sachs, salivating over the idea of being able to have a speculative bubble over carbon.
So, that’s the dynamic. It’s not saying “no,” not saying “shut down,” but saying, “Open up. Let’s
talk about real solutions.” And another example of this is that, actually, there will be an
attempt to shut something down in Copenhagen, but that is focused on shutting down the port for
a day—Copenhagen’s port—to highlight the corporate side of this equation, the shipping industry
and how emissions-heavy it is. And, so, not to shut down a meeting that actually the activists
believe in, but to go after industry itself. So, there’s going to be a lot of actions like that.
A lot of thought and debate is going into how to craft actions that are really consistent with
the goals of this movement.
AMY GOODMAN: And the delegates, the people who are involved in the climate talks, as reissuing
it, No Logo at Ten. The subtitle of the book, Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. Talk about what
happened in Seattle. Talk about this whole issue of branding.
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, you know, Amy, the reason why I said “yes” when my publisher asked me whether
I wanted to do a new edition, write a new introduction—I said “yes” because it feels like the
right moment. It feels like there is something to learn from that political moment in 1999, 2000
when, not just Seattle, but this movement against corporate power was exploding around the
world. You know, many people date the, sort of, beginning of it to the Zapatistas in Mexico,
but we saw every time there was an International Monetary Fund summit, a G-8 summit in Genoa,
there would be these convergences of activists on the streets putting this economic model on
We were called by the media “anti-globalization activists,” but we were always very clear that
we were not against globalization, we were against corporate rule. We were questioning
capitalism, this unregulated, “wild west” capitalism that was being spread by institutions
like the World Trade Organization, like the International Monetary Fund.
And what was interesting, Amy, you know, think back to Seattle, 1999. We were making these
arguments about corporate rule, but we were making it at the height of an economic boon, at the
peak of an economic boom, in a boom town. I mean, Seattle was—well, it was the center, along with
Silicon Valley, of the dot-com boom. So, there were a lot of people who were really willing to
defend this economic model.
And here we are ten years later, and it’s a really interesting political moment. And this is why
I did want to reissue the book and did want to reframe it, because I think the arguments that we
were making—and we were really treated like these fringe radicals. I always remember that Thomas
Friedman called us “flat earthers,” in The New York Times, and that was before he wrote a book
telling the world that, in fact, the world was flat.
But, you know, we were called “flat earthers,” we were called extremists. But, here we are in
a moment where there’s absolutely a mainstream political opinion that there has been an utter
integration, merger, between corporations and government; a takeover, really. The arguments that
we were making ten years ago about the failures of this economic model are now mainstream
But, yet, the mass movement that we were a part of ten years ago really isn’t present in the
streets. And I think a lot of that has to do with, perhaps, the “Obama effect” in the United
States where everyone is still in this waiting pattern, hoping that he’s going to save the day.
And that’s, you know, another reason, Amy, why I think Copenhagen may well be a turning point,
particularly for young Americans. Many young people worked very, very hard on Obama’s campaign.
And a large factor motivating them was their concern about the environment, their concern about
climate, and they really saw Obama as an alternative.
So, there’s a lot of issues where you can make an argument about, you know, what is politically
feasible at a certain time, but when it comes to climate—and I think a lot of young people feel
this—there really isn’t much room for negotiation. I mean, this is something that Bill McKibben
has been very clear about, that you can’t negotiate with the science. It doesn’t go by Harry
So, one of the things, I think, we’re seeing from many of the young people who worked on
Obama’s campaign and the lead up to Copenhagen, is they’re returning to the issues, as opposed
to just being, sort of, foot soldiers for the Democratic Party. And that’s, I think, one of the
things that was exciting about the actions organized by 350.org earlier in the month, which
were—sorry, last month—which were focused on a scientific target, right, the 350 target, as
opposed to focused on what John Kerry has—John Kerry wrote an article a couple of weeks ago
calling on young people to organize, to get his bill through the Senate. But the problem with
the bill that he’s pushing through the Senate is that it actually won’t meet the needs of our
climate crisis. So, I think young people are increasingly returning to the issues, as we were
ten years ago in Seattle, focused on the issues, not focused on any one political party or their
AMY GOODMAN: Naomi Klein, I wanted to talk specifically about the kind of branding that you
begin your introduction with in No Logo at Ten, how branding has changed. Give us some specifics.
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, I mean, it’s—it always—branding is expert at absorbing its opposition. So,
I gave a couple of examples of companies that had gone “no logo,” an example of Absolut vodka
taking their label, their logo, off the bottle. And Starbucks opened, interestingly in Seattle,
a store without their brand on it at all. They’re trying to make their brand disappear. So, you
have this evolution in corporate branding.
But, what I decided to focus on is not how corporate—the latest gimmicks and techniques of
corporate branding, but, rather, how politicians were—and, indeed, how government has absorbed
the techniques honed by the corporations in the ‘90s in creating and selling their super brands.
And now they’re being used by political parties, by politicians really, to sell themselves.
And I’m afraid, I think, that that’s where Obama fits in, that he really is a super brand on
line with many of the companies that I discuss in No Logo. And he has many of the same problems
as the companies that I discuss in No Logo, like Nike and Apple and all of these—Starbucks—all
of these, sort of 1990s, sort of, lifestyle brands that co-opted many of the, you know—the
iconography of the transformative political movements like the civil rights movement, the women’s
movement. And that was really the hallmark of 1990s branding.
One of the things in this—you know, a large part what I write about in No Logo is the absorption
of these political movements into the world of marketing. And, you know, the first time I saw
the “Yes, We Can” video that was produced by Will.i.am, my first thought was, you know, “Wow.
A politician has finally produced an ad as good as Nike that plays on our, sort of, faded memories
of a more idealistic era, but, yet, doesn’t quite say anything.” We think we hear the message
we want to hear, but if you really parse it, the promises aren’t there, it’s really the emotions.
And, you know, I think that that explains in some sense the paralysis in progressive movements
in the United States where we think, Obama stands for something because we—our emotions were
activated on these issues, but we don’t really have much to hold him to because, in fact, if
you look at what he said during the campaign, like any good super brand, like any good marketer,
he made sure not to promise too much, so that he couldn’t be held to it.
Afghanistan is a very strong example, Amy. I mean, it’s hard to build the case that Obama is
breaking a campaign promise when, in fact, this—he is doing what he said he would do during the
campaign, even if he made us think that he was a pro-peace candidate, even if he used the
iconography, the imagery of the peace movement, even if he, you know—it’s the same thing with
labor. “Sí se puede. Yes we can.” This is the imagery of, this is the slogan of the farm workers.
Even, you know, Obama’s—you know, the famous poster, you know, this is like the poster of Ché,
but this isn’t a real social movement because it never made those transformative demands.
And that’s what social movements have to do. We have to get back to basics, Amy. And we’ll see
it in Copenhagen.